The Reflexes of Syllabic Liquids in Ancient Greek: Linguistic Prehistory of the Greek Dialects and Homeric Kunstsprache(22 Leiden Studies in Indo-European)

How can we explain metrical irregularities in Homeric phrases like ἀνδροτῆτα καὶ ἥβην? What do such phrases tell us about the antiquity of the epic tradition? And how did doublet forms such as τέτρατος beside τέταρτος originate? In this book, you will find the first systematic and complete account of the syllabic liquids in Ancient Greek. It provides an up-to-date, comprehensive and innovative etymological treatment of material from all dialects, including Mycenaean. A new model of linguistic change in the epic tradition is used to tackle two hotly-debated problems: metrical irregularities in Homer (including muta cum liquida) and the double reflex. The proposed solution has important consequences for Greek dialect classification and the prehistory of Epic language and meter.

Table of Contents:
Acknowledgments Preface List of Tables Abbreviations and Conventions 1 The Greek Reflexes of *r̥ and *l̥  Introduction  1.1 The Problem and Its Relevance  1.2 Environments with a Common Greek or Proto-Greek Reflex αρ, αλ  1.3 The o- and u-Colored Reflexes of *r̥ and *l̥ in the Environment *C_T  1.4 Previous Accounts of - versus - in Ionic-Attic  1.5 Accounting for *r̥ > -  1.6 Outlook 2 Mycenaean Reflexes of *r̥ and the Numeral ‘Four’  Introduction  2.1 Preliminary Remarks on the Use of Personal Names  2.2 An a-Colored Reflex in Mycenaean?  2.3 Evidence for an o-Colored Reflex  2.4 o-Series versus a-Series Spellings  2.5 Explaining the Orthographic Variation between ⟨Co-⟩ and ⟨Co-ro-⟩  2.6 Ion.-Att. τέταρτος and an Early Simplification of *-tu̯- before *r̥  2.7 A New Account of Myc. qe-to-ro- and Ion.-Att. τετρα τέτρατος  2.8 Conclusions regarding Mycenaean 3 Reflexes of *r̥ in the Alphabetic Dialects  Introduction  3.1 The Alleged Cretan Liquid Metathesis  3.2 Other West Greek Dialects  3.3 The Aeolic Dialects  3.4 Arcado-Cyprian  3.5 Pamphylian  3.6 Conclusions 4 Reflexes of *r̥ and *l̥ in ‘Caland’ Formations  Introduction  4.1 The Root Vocalism of Caland Formations in Greek and PIE  4.2 Analogical Reshaping and Re-derivation  4.3 Reflexes of *r̥ and *l̥ in the u-Stem Adjectives  4.4 *βλαδύς versus ἀμαλδύνω  4.5 θρασύς versus θαρσύνω  4.6 Conclusions 5 Reflexes of *r̥ in καρτερός, κράτος and Related Forms  Introduction  5.1 Semantics and Etymology  5.2 The Allomorphy of κρατ- and καρτ- in Homer and Classical Greek  5.3 Conclusions concerning the Vocalization of *r̥ 6 Reflexes of *r̥ and muta cum liquida in Epic Greek  Introduction  6.1 The Reflex - and the Metrical Behavior of κραδίη  6.2 Muta cum liquida Scansions in Homer  6.3 Wathelet’s Proposal for the Origin of McL in Homer  6.4 Criticism of Wathelet’s Scenario  6.5 Quantitative and Qualitative Evidence for McL in Homer  6.6 Avoidance of McL Scansion in Epic Greek  6.7 Epic *r̥: - Is the Regular Reflex of Artificially Retained *r̥  6.8 The Evidence for - from Epic *r̥  6.9 Less Certain Evidence for Epic *r̥  6.10 Nonce Formations with - in Epic Greek  6.11 Conclusions 7 Epic Forms with -  Introduction  7.1 The Dialectal Origin of Forms with -  7.2 -ρο- as a Conditioned Reflex of Epic *r̥  7.3 Other Forms with -  7.4 Conclusions 8 The Reflexes - and - in Aorist Stems  Introduction  8.1 The Evidence  8.2 The Regular Development *r̥ > - in the Thematic Aorist  8.3 The Pattern of Attestation of the Thematic Aorists with -  8.4 Epic *r̥ in the Thematic Aorist?  8.5 Pindaric δρακέντ-  8.6 Conclusions 9 Remaining Issues Concerning *r̥  Introduction  9.1 The Development of *-r̥s- in Ionic-Attic  9.2 Verbs with a Non-ablauting Root CraC-  9.3 An o-Colored Reflex in Attic?  9.4 The Development of *r̥n  9.5 Word-Final *-r̥  9.6 Further Potential Evidence for - < *r̥  9.7 Evidence for - and - Left out of Consideration 10 The Reflexes of *l̥  Introduction  10.1 Unknown, Doubtful, or Uncertain Etymologies  10.2 Cases of - and - Influenced by a Full Grade Form  10.3 The Pre-form Did Not Necessarily Contain *l̥  10.4 Promising Evidence for *l̥ > -  10.5 The Development of *l̥n  10.6 Dialectal Evidence  10.7 Conclusions on *l̥ 11 Relative Chronology  Introduction  11.1 The Vocalization of *r̥ as a late and dialectally different development  11.2 Dating the Vocalization of *r̥ in Ionic-Attic  11.3 Dating the Elimination of Epic *r̥  11.4 Relative Chronology: Other Sound Changes  11.5 Conclusions 12 Conclusion  Introduction  12.1 Philological Results and New Etymologies  12.2 Regular Reflexes of PGr. *r̥ in Dialects Other than Ionic and Attic  12.3 Special Reflexes of Proto-Greek *r̥  12.4 The Reflexes of Proto-Greek *l̥  12.5 The Double Reflex αρ versus ρα in Ionic-Attic  12.6 The Prehistory of the Epic Tradition  12.7 Relative Chronology and Subgrouping Bibliography Index

About the Author :
Lucien van Beek, Ph.D. (2013), Leiden University, is Assistant Professor at Leiden University Centre for Linguistics. He has assisted in Beekes’ Etymological Dictionary of Greek (Brill, 2010) and published extensively on Ancient Greek and Indo-European linguistics, etymology, and lexicography.