Infinitive Constructions in Old Spanish

This historic book may have numerous typos and missing text. Purchasers can download a free scanned copy of the original book (without typos) from the publisher. Not indexed. Not illustrated. 1921 Excerpt: ...86al9 non tenie guisado de salir a el Cron 254a27 non teniendo guisado de salir a ellos solo Cron 424b20 touo por guysado de auer linage de tan noble cauallo Cron 641a47 tener por mal. tenie por mal de tenerse ell omne uicioso Cron 520b4 tener por meior. touo por meior de morir que non fazer ninguna destas cosa Cron 38al3 tomar en uso. tomaron los cristianos en uso de dezir que... Cron 361a2 THE DE-INFINITIVE WITH LEXAR, PROMETER, ETC. 34. Concerning the de-infinitive as accusative of thing with verbs taking a dative of person and an accusative of thing, Diez 1 says: "L'application de la preposition n'est rigoureusement observee qu'en frangais; 1'italien n'y renonce pas volontiers, mais 1'espagnol peut s'en passer avec la plupart des verbes." He then gives seven examples, of which only one contains de, and in one of which de is optional. A conclusive criticism cannot be made of Diez's statement at this time, inasmuch as his work is not confined to any one epoch. Yet he would seem to put too much emphasis on the pure infinitive with these verbs, at least in so far as concerns the limited period herein studied. The preposition de is decidedly regular for such constructions in these texts. In fact, the verbs classed under this section take the pure infinitive very rarely, although otorgonos lo yo, Alix 1590, illustrates the type with ordinary objects. It is interesting, however, to note that por and pora with infinitive are found replacing the more clearly objective de-infinitive: see iurar, ordenar, and prometer below. It will be seen that the class is not large in any case, and might well be included in 32, dealing with the de-infinitive object without special regard to the indirect personal object, because this does not in any way...