About the Book
This twelfth edition of "Annual Editions: American Foreign Policy" provides convenient, inexpensive access to current articles selected from the best of the public press. The organizational features include: an annotated listing of selected World Wide Web sites; an annotated table of contents; a topic guide; a general introduction; brief overviews for each section; a topical index; and, an instructor's resource guide with testing materials. Using "Annual Editions" in the classroom is offered as a practical guide for instructors.
Table of Contents:
UNIT 1. The United States and the World: Strategic Choices1. Grand Strategy in the Second Term, John Lewis Gaddis, Foreign Affairs", January/February 2005Gaddis asserts that the basis for President Bush's grand strategy will not change in his second term-but with experience it will evolve. The most important question Bush will face is if he can shift from "shock and awe" to reassurance" because that is what is needed to sustain the new international system created after September 11, 2001.2. Hegemony on the Cheap, Colin Dueck, World Policy Journal", Winter 2003/2004The problem with Bush's foreign policy cannot be fixed by replacing unilateralism with multilateralism. The problems exist because the liberal assumptions" that it is based on encourage ambitious foreign policy goals that are pursued by insufficient means" and resources. This situation is not unique to Bush but dates back to Wilson.3. Reaganism v. Neo-Reaganism, Richard Lowry, The National Interest", Spring 2005Lowry argues that Ronald Reagan's foreign policy represents the true model for a conservative American foreign policy." He argues Bush's foreign policy has been largely consistent with it and warns against neoconservative over interpretations of the Bush Doctrine.4. The Eagle Has Crash Landed, Immanuel Wallerstein, Foreign Policy", July/August 2002The United States has become the powerless superpower," according to Immanuel Wallerstein. The same economic, political, and military factors that gave rise to American hegemony are now leading to its inevitable decline. The key question today is, can the United States devise a way to descend gracefully or will it crash-land in a rapid and dangerous fall?5. Some Hard Truths about Multilateralism, Jonathan Tepperman, World Policy Journal", Summer 2004Multilateralism is much harder for presidents to practice than to praise." Obstacles to multilateralism can be found in both domestic politics and foreign politics. As a result while international cooperation can be improved it will not always be possible regardless of who is president.UNIT 2. The United States and the World: Regional and Bilateral RelationsPart A. Russia6. Exploiting Rivalries: Putin's Foreign Policy, Mark N. Katz, Current History", October 2004Putin is determined to see Russia once again acknowledged as a great power." The core element to his strategy is to insert Russia into international situations where disagreement exists and exploit the ongoing rivalry as each side seeks to court Russia. Katz presents examples and argues the results have been uneven to date.7. The United States and Russia in Central Asia: Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Iran, Fiona Hill, The Brookings Institution", July 24, 2004Central Asia no longer is a marginal area in world politics-both the United States and Russia now have interests there. Hill provides an overview of the region focusing on Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, and Afghanistan. Without cooperation between the two powers the prospects for stability in Central Asia are judged to be slim."Part B. Europe8. America as European Hegemon, Christopher Layne, The National Interest", Summer 2003Layne sees the crisis in U.S.-European relations as centered on the longstanding American attempt to achieve hegemony over Western Europe". He argues the major legacy of the Iraq War is the successful European defiance of the U.S. and the beginning of the end of America's era of global preponderance.Part C. Asia9. China's Response to the Bush Doctrine, Peter Van Ness, World Policy Journal", Winter 2004/2005Official Chinese reaction to the Bush Doctrine has gone through three phases: avoidance, collaboration, and strategic response. They have described their strategy as one of "peaceful rise." China's strategy does not require its neighbors to choose between China and the United States," and some see it as resembling that which existed during China's tribute system when it saw itself as the Central Kingdom. Van Ness notes the success of this strategy is unclear because it has not yet been tested.10. Japan: America's New South Korea?, James E. Auer and Robyn Lim, Current History", September 2004The central issue in U.S.-Japan relations is how much can and should Japan do to provide for its own security." The authors review the security challenges facing it and conclude that if Japan is unwilling to play the role of the "new" South Korea in America's Asian policy it might be forced to try and play off China and Japan against each other.Part D. The South11. The U.S. and Latin America Through the Lens of Empire, Michael Shifter, Current History", February 2004The author asserts that a disturbing disconnect is rising in U.S.-Latin American relations". The window of opportunity that existed for creating a true hemispheric partnership has closed and dealings now have a rawness that characterized earlier times in history. A key test of American hegemony will be establishing trade relations with Brazil.12. Libya: Who Blinked, and Why, George Joffe, Current History", May 2004In 2003 Libya agreed to renounce the research, manufacture, and possible use of weapons of mass destruction. This announcement was hailed in the U.S. as proof that the Bush administration's new national security strategy was succeeding. The author asserts this was not the case and that the direction of Libya's future foreign policy is uncertain".13. Darfur and the Genocide Debate, Scott Straus, Foreign Affairs", January/February 2005Straus reviews the origins and dynamics of the conflict in Darfur. He notes that much of the debate in the United States has not been on how to deal with the conflict but whether or not to call it genocide." A fundamental assumption behind this debate is that once a situation is labeled genocide the international community will be compelled to act. He notes this has not been the case in Darfur.UNIT 3. The Domestic Side of American Foreign Policy14. The Paradoxes of American Nationalism, Minxin Pei, Foreign Policy", May/June 2003American nationalism is rooted in a faith in the superiority of American ideas" rather than a sense of ethnic superiority. This rejection of ethnic nationalism contributes to the inability of Americans to understand the continuing power of nationalism in world affairs and perceptions of American illegitimacy in conducting foreign policy.15. Doctrinal Divisions: The Politics of U.S. Military Interventions, Jon Western, Harvard International Review", Spring 2004A former diplomat, the author argues that the public frequently has unrealistic expectations about the efficacy of military intervention" due to the rhetoric of political campaigns and other efforts to build public support. He examines the implications of this for military interventions and post war reconstruction.16. Missed Signals, Sherry Ricchiardi, American Journalism Review", August/September 2004This article examines media coverage of the Abu Ghraib prisoner abuse scandal" and asks the question, "Why did it take so long for the news media to uncover the situation?" No shortage of signs existed. A variety of factors are examined that came together to produce a gap in reporting on an event that promises lasting negative repercussions for U.S. foreign policy in the Middle East.UNIT 4. The Institutional Context of American Foreign PolicyPart A. The Presidency17. The Return of the Imperial Presidency?, Donald R. Wolfensberger, The Wilson Quarterly", Spring 2002Following the events of September 11, 2001, many spoke of a return to the imperial presidency." Donald Wolfensberger examines the history of this concept and its roots in the excesses of Watergate and Vietnam. He warns against investing the idea of an imperial presidency with too great an aura of legitimacy.Part B. The Bureaucracy18. In Defense of Striped Pants, Morton Abramowitz and Leslie H. Gelb, The National Interest", Spring 2005Professional diplomats and career officials in the CIA and elsewhere in the foreign affairs bureaucracy are easy targets for those unhappy with the direction and conduct of American foreign policy. The authors review three common strategies used by political figures to "fix" the bureaucracy problem." They caution that most career officials are anxious to make foreign policy work but that a predictable tension arises whenever a major foreign policy discontinuity or radical change in style occurs.Part C. Judiciary19. Checks, Balances, and Wartime Detainees, Benjamin Wittes, Policy Review", April and May 2005The dominant view is that in handing down its enemy combatant cases involving detainees at Guantanamo Bay in June 2004", the Supreme Court handed the Bush administration a major defeat. While agreeing with this view, the author also cautions that it may have been a victory for the administration. The court's reasoning is reviewed as are the implications of Congress' lack of involvement in this policy dispute.UNIT 5. The Foreign Policy-Making Process20. "Misunderestimating" Terrorism: The State Department's Big Mistake, Alan Krueger and David Laitin, Foreign Affairs", September/October 2004Until recently, the State Department published an annual report Patterns of Global Terrorism that chronicled the state of terrorism in the world for the previous year. It is one of many annual volumes produced on different topics. The authors provide insight into the manner by which judgments were made as to how the data were assembled and interpreted." The deficiencies they found suggest caution about any judgment regarding the war on terrorism.21. Words vs. Deeds: President George W. Bush and Polling, Kathryn Dunn Tenpas, Brookings Review", Summer 2003Public Opinion polling has become a key ingredient in presidential decision making". This article examines the question, "why poll," and places the Bush administration in historical context. It concludes that the Bush administration's use of polls is not pathbreaking, but what is unique is the gap between the administration's words and actions.22. The Pros From Dover, John Prados, The Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists", January/February 2004Prados, who has written widely on intelligence matters, provides a structural overview of how the National Security Council operates and proceeds with an examination of the Bush administration decision making. He asserts that with regard to September 11, 2001 either the system did not work or it worked to keep terrorism off the agenda".UNIT 6. U.S. International Economic Strategy23. America's Sticky Power, Walter Russell Mead, Foreign Policy", March/April 2004America's military power coerces others to go along with it. America's soft power converts others to its cause. Mead argues that too long overlooked is America's economic power. It is "sticky," attracting others to the U.S. and then entrapping them". Sticky power is perfectly suited for stabilizing Iraq and managing relations with Russia and China.24. Global Petro-Politics: The Foreign Policy Implications of the Bush Administration's Energy Plan, Michael T. Klare, Current History", March 2002Michael Klare asserts that President Bush's energy plan introduced in May 2001 would increase the amount of foreign oil coming into the United States by 50 percent." He examines the implications of this for U.S. national security policy through a survey of regional politics in the Middle East, the Caspian Sea, Latin America, and Africa.25. Africa and the Battle over Agricultural Protectionism, Todd Moss and Alicia Bannon, World Policy Journal", Summer 2004Fairness in agricultural trade is, for this decade, what debt relief was for the 1990s." It pits the United States and Europe against the poor countries seeking to develop. This article examines the significant political, institutional, and cultural reasons agriculture enjoys a special status in the United States. A major danger in the current debate is that unrealistic expectations will lead to frustration in Africa and a heightened sense of international marginalization.UNIT 7. U.S. Military StrategyPart A. The Use of Force26. X + 9/11, Robert Hutchings, Foreign Policy", July/August 2004The X refers to the X article authored by George Kennan that put forward the concept of containment. Hutchings argues that the U.S. should not give up on containment as a means of combating terrorism". It must engage the enemy and work to bring about its long-term demise just as happened with communism.27. A Nuclear Posture for Today, John Deutch, Foreign Affairs", January/February 2005Deutch, a former head of the CIA and Deputy Secretary of Defense, argues that the U.S. nuclear arsenal still reflects a Cold War national security focus. He rejects calls for abolishing the U.S. nuclear force. Instead, Deutch calls fo treating nonproliferation and the maintenance of a nuclear deterrent as mutually supportive for purposes of preventing an attack on the U.S. and responding quickly to lesser contingencies including chemical and biological attacks.Part B. Arms Control28. Double-edged Shield, Sarah Chankin-Gould and Ivan Oelrich, Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists", May/June 2005This article examines the debate over relaxing export control on missile defense technology." Advocates of such a move see it as a way of furthering cooperation with friends and reducing costs. Opponents question whether or not the move might also help America's enemies. Central to this debate is the status of the missile Technology Control Regime, a nonbinding agreement put in place in 1987.29. Apocalypse Soon, Robert S. McNamara, Foreign Policy", May/June 2005McNamara served as Secretary of Defense during the Vietnam War. He states that the current U.S. nuclear policy is immoral, illegal, militarily unnecessary, and dreadfully dangerous." He reviews the evolution of his own thinking on the subject and characterizes the Bush administration as having a "dangerous obsession" with nuclear weapons.UNIT 8. The Iraq War and Beyond30. Lifting the Veil: Understanding the Roots of Islamic Militancy, Henry Munson, Harvard International Review", Winter 2004Feelings of impotence, rage, and humiliation prevade the Islamic world today. The author presents findings from recent public opinion polls taken in the Middle East. He concludes that defeating terrorism requires diluting the rage that fuels it."31. The Sorcerer's Apprentices, Angelo Codevilla, The American Spectator", November 2003Codevilla is a supporter of a more aggressive foreign policy toward Iraq. He is highly critical of both Bushes and Clinton and asserts that the U.S. has a long history of bungling it in Iraq". Primarily to blame, according to Codevilla, is the dysfunctional interplay of overblown personalities and domestic agendas that pass for foreign policy.32. The Ethics of Exit, Lawrence F. Kaplan et al., Foreign Policy", May/June 2005Five participants in a round table discussion present their views on the question, "Is it time for the United States to leave Iraq?" They present differing views on the nature of U.S. responsibility as an occupier, the practicality of leaving, the responsibility of the Iraqis for their future, and the requirements of a "just peace."33. Taking on Tehran, Kenneth Pollack and Ray Takeyh, Foreign Affairs", March/April 2005The authors argue that although it has been aggressive and anti-American in its foreign policy, Iran's behavior is neither irrational nor reckless. "They believe that Iran's foreign policy can be changed if the United States takes advantage of its vulnerabilities. It must raise the economic stakes for Iran but also offer it significant potential rewards for cooperation. Invading Iran or sponsoring a coup are rejected as foolhardy.34. Iran's Nuclear Calculations, Ray Takeyh, World Policy Journal", Summer 2003Contrary to American assumptions, Iran's nuclear calculations are not the product of an irrational ideology". They reflect a careful attempt to craft a viable deterrent capability against a variety of threats. The author calls for a policy of carrots and sticks to dissuade Iran from going down the nuclear road.
